Professor Kip
Viscusi of Harvard Law School, a leading risk-analysis
expert, considers the Chevrolet Malibu case in
the context of jury assessments of liability and
punitive damages.
[For a full version of the article, which includes
a description of a study of mock juries' outcomes
in risk-analysis cases, see W. Kip Viscusi, Corporate
Risk Analysis: A Reckless Act? 52 Stanford
Law Review 547-597 (2000).]
II.
The Risk-Balancing Reference Point
E. Risk Analysis After Accidents
From
the standpoint of risk analysis and recordkeeping
objectives, companies face a complex Catch 22
situation. If they undertake no post- accident
risk evaluation, they might be found irresponsible
for failing to address the risks that caused
the accident. Investigating the cause of a major
accident will be a signal to the jury that the
company was concerned for safety, because learning
what caused an accident is often a key ingredient
in preventing recurrences. But a frank post-accident
report that is shared with the plaintiffs could
affect the company's liability for the accident
if the report finds fault with the company practices
that led to the accident. If, however, the company
fails to maintain or produce such accident reports,
it may be subject to litigation for not fulfilling
its obligation to learn about product hazards
and provide reasonably safe products. From a
societal standpoint, there is a desire both
to make the appropriate liability decision for
the current accident and to provide incentives
for the corporation to adopt appropriate safety
measures in the future.
The sections below consider a variety of concrete
cases in which corporate risk analyses have
played a role in court. In most of these examples
companies were found liable, often for punitive
damages. * * *
In some corporate risk analyses, the analysis
may not be economically sound. In such cases,
some liability may be warranted. But technical
shortcomings in the analysis are not apparent
matters of concern in the cases discussed below.
What the attorneys and the jurors reacted to
was the fact that the company had undertaken
the analysis, had specifically confronted the
risk decision, and had chosen not to adopt every
feasible safety measure. Whether doing so would
have been sensible given the state of information
before the accident never enters as an explicit
concern. The practical danger is that jurors
react in hindsight, comparing the cost of the
product design change with the costs to the
identified victim. The result is that jurors
place insufficient weight on the fact that adverse
outcomes often have very low probabilities.
The company must make a product-wide decision;
and cannot identify in advance the potentially
injured parties and craft only those safety
improvements that will affect them.
*
* *
III.
Benefit-Cost Analyses at Ford Motor Company
A. The Ford Pinto
A
useful starting point for considering the role
of corporate risk analysis is the Ford Pinto
case, Grimshaw v. Ford Motor Co. 174
Cal. Rptr. 348 (Cal. Ct. App. 1981).
Although the incident occurred a quarter century
ago, it remains perhaps the best-known example
of a corporate risk analysis provoking public
outcry. Moreover, this classic case embodies
many key elements that appear in other cases.
Grimshaw v. Ford Motor Co. involved the rear
impact of a Ford Pinto. In 1972, Richard Grimshaw
was a thirteen-year-old passenger in a Ford
Pinto that had stalled and come to a stop in
the middle of a freeway. A car that had slowed
to approximately thirty miles per hour hit the
Pinto from behind, causing a fire that killed
the driver and catastrophically injured Grimshaw.
The plaintiff's suit claimed that the placement
of the gas tank behind the rear axle and the
design of the fuel filler pipe were defective
designs that created the risk of fire. Grimshaw
was awarded more than $2.5 million in compensatory
damages and $125 million in punitive damages.
The
punitive award was subsequently reduced to $3.5
million. See generally
Gary T. Schwartz, The Myth of the Ford Pinto
Case, 43 Rutgers L. Rev. 1013 (1991)
(describing the public debate and misconceptions
surrounding the case)
The most publicized aspect of the Ford Pinto
experience was a systematic analysis of the
benefits and costs of safety improvements. Mother
Jones magazine published the analysis,
which trial lawyer Stuart Speiser called "possibly
the most remarkable document ever produced in
an American lawsuit . . . ."
At a press conference, Mother Jones and Ralph
Nader released the analysis. Its story documenting
this benefit-cost analysis by Ford engineers
received a Pulitzer Prize.
While the Ford Pinto case dealt with a rear
impact, the engineering analysis undertaken
by Ford pertained
not to rear impact crashes but to rollover risks
and a regulation that had been proposed by the
NHTSA.
Nevertheless, the analysis demonstrates how
corporate engineers undertake safety studies.
Moreover, this same kind of analysis has been
the subject of other Ford and General Motors
risk assessments.
Table 4 highlights the components of the Ford
Pinto benefit-cost analysis. The character of
the risks was estimated using data from a broader
car population. Panel A lists potential injuries
and Ford engineers' unit estimates of the values
for these injuries.
Ford estimated potential risks as 180 burn deaths,
180 serious burn injuries, and 2100 burned vehicles.
The unit values applied to these injuries were
similar to the value of court awards in product
liability cases at that time, as
well as to the values used by the NHTSA in its
regulatory analyses. Each
of these values was based on estimates of the
present value of lost earnings.
Based on Ford's analysis, the total cost of
not fixing the gas tank design would be $49.6
million. In contrast, as indicated in Panel
B, the cost of increased safety would be $137.5
million. By this tally, the expected benefits
from improved safety were smaller than the costs;
consequently, undertaking the design change
was not worthwhile.
Table
4
Benefit-Cost Calculations for the Ford Pinto
A:
Benefit Calculations for increased safety
in Pinto bgas tank design |
| Outcome of faulty design |
Ford's unit value |
Ford's total value |
| 180 burn deaths |
$200,000 |
$36 million |
| 180 serious burn injuries |
$67,000 |
$12.1 million |
| 2,100 burned vehicles |
$700 |
$1.5 million |
Total |
|
$49.6 million |
B:
Cost calculations for increased safety
in Pinto gas tank design |
| Number of units |
Unit cost |
Total cost* |
| 11 million cars |
$11 |
$121 million |
| 1.5 million light tucks |
$11 |
$16.5 million |
Total |
|
$137.5 million |
| * Excluded is lost sales because
of $11 price increase |
Based
on current economic knowledge in the value-of-life
area--as opposed to the state of economic knowledge
a quarter century ago--we know that a different
kind of analysis would have been appropriate.
In terms of the mock-juror survey, Ford followed
the compensatory damages method for determining
the value of life rather than the willingness-to-pay
method. * * *
The basic problem is that jurors do not undertake
a comprehensive risk analysis approach, regardless
of its character. Jurors have a tendency to
compare the often very small per-unit safety
cost with the costs borne by the injured victim.
Rather than examine the entire market and the
associated benefits and costs, jurors will be
offended by, or will not fully understand, a
comprehensive risk-analysis approach and will
focus their assessment more narrowly on the
identified victim and the costs of preventing
that injury. The fact that these costs would
also have been incurred for thousands of consumers
who were not injured will not loom as large,
as Judge Easterbrook emphasized. Thus, there
is a tendency to exhibit "hindsight bias"
rather than to consider the expected costs and
expected benefits at the time of the safety
decision.
*
* *
IV.
Product-Risk Analyses at General Motors
General
Motors faced a fuel tank issue analogous to
that in the Ford Pinto case in two cases. The
first was a 1998 Georgia case, Moseley v. General
Motors Corp., Moseley
v. General Motors Corp., 447 S.E.2d 302 (Ga.
Ct. App. 1994)
, rev'd,
Webster v. Boyett, 496 S.E.2d 459 (Ga. 1998),
which
involved a side saddle fuel tank design that
had been the target of numerous other lawsuits.
In
this particular case, Moseley was driving a
GM pickup truck that was hit broadside by a
drunk driver of another pickup truck. Moseley
survived the crash and suffered no internal
injuries, but the gas tank ruptured and the
truck caught fire, and Moseley was burned alive
after impact. The jury concluded that the product
defect pertained not simply to the placement
of the fuel tanks, but also to the straps that
bound the tank to the car and could potentially
puncture the tank.
In terms of the overall risk posed by this particular
truck design, GM trucks did not fare much worse
than Ford trucks: The GM trucks had 1.51 deaths
per 10,000 crashes, as compared to 1.45 deaths
per 10,000 crashes for Ford.
GM's extensive testing of the fuel tank system
was the object of the litigation. The truck
exceeded NHTSA standards by a substantial degree:
From a regulatory standpoint, the truck design
was not inadequate. But a key witness in the
case presented the detailed GM analysis of fuel-fed
fires and
the costs of eliminating them, making "they
knew" the "constant refrain among
the jurors interviewed." The
jury awarded the plaintiffs $4 million in compensatory
damages, $1 in pain and suffering, and $101
million in punitive damages. To calculate the
punitive damages amount, the jurors engaged
in an arbitrary mathematical exercise. They
awarded an amount equal to twenty dollars for
each of the 500,000 GM trucks on the road, and
added a bonus $1 million "exclamation point."
The tank placement did have a constructive purpose
in the vehicle design. GM wanted the truck to
have a large fuel capacity so that drivers would
not need to refuel the trucks frequently. Achieving
this objective required the use of two tanks
located outside of the frame rails that comprise
the underbody of the truck.
In a 1973 analysis, GM engineer Edward Ivey
prepared a benefit-cost analysis of the fuel
fed fire fatality issue. It
is instructive to review this analysis in detail.
Consider first his calculation of the health
costs associated with fuel fed fires. Based
on Ivey's "value analysis," there
would be a maximum of "500 fatalities per
year in accidents with fuel fed fires where
the bodies were burnt."
He assigned each fatality a value of $200,000,
thus following the same approach taken in the
Ford Pinto analysis. Multiplying five hundred
fatalities by the value of $200,000 each, and
dividing by the forty-one million GM automobiles
currently on the highways, yielded an
estimated fatality cost of approximately $2.40
per automobile. He then amended this calculation
to focus on new models sold during the current
model year, for which he estimated fifty-five
fatalities for the five million new models,
leading to an estimated accident cost of $2.20
per new-model automobile.
He concluded:
This analysis indicates that for G.M. it would
be worth approximately $2.20 per new model
auto to prevent a fuel fed fire in all accidents.
. . . This analysis must be tempered with
two thoughts. First, it is really impossible
to put a value on human life. This analysis
tried to do so in an objective manner but
a human fatality is really beyond value, subjectively.
Secondly, it is impossible to design an automobile
where fuel fed fires can be prevented in all
accidents unless the automobile has a non-flammable
fuel.
It is noteworthy that this analysis pertains
to fuel fed fires more generally, and not to
those in the specific target population of vehicles
that was the object of the litigation. It is
likely that the risks will be quite different
for trucks with side saddle fuel tanks rather
than the entire fleet of motor vehicles sold
by GM. Consequently, the Ivey memo is not directly
pertinent to the specific aspects of the Moseley
case, except insofar as the memo indicated the
character of corporate thinking. As in the case
of the Ford Pinto analysis, the $200,000 value
per fatality uses a compensatory damages
measure of the value of life, which was the
approach used by NHTSA at that time. This amount
is smaller than the willingness-to-pay measure
of the value of life developed later in the
economics literature.
The GM approach was consistent with state-of-the-art
research on value-of-life estimates at that
time. Just as companies should be judged against
the state-of-the-art with respect to scientific
knowledge pertaining to safety designs rather
than the state of future knowledge, they should
not be expected to have applied methods of analysis
that had not been developed by economic literature
until after the corporate decisions in question
were made. In the 1970s the dominant approach
to measuring the value of life was the human
capital method, which focused on the present
value of the lost earnings of the deceased.
This was, for example, the basis for the government's
approach with respect to traffic safety. Indeed,
the first estimates of the value of life from
a prevention standpoint using the appropriate
concept of the value of a statistical life did
not occur until later in the 1970s.
Federal agencies did not use this concept until
1982, after a debate between the Occupational
Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) and
the U.S. Office of Management and Budget over
the merits of the proposed hazardous communication
regulation, which
was appealed to then-Vice President Bush. Based
on OSHA's analysis using human capital assessments,
which he termed the "costs of death,"
the costs of the regulations exceeded the
benefits. Using the willingness-to-pay measure
of the value of life, however, the benefits
exceeded the costs.
For all contemporary benefit-cost analyses,
one would expect the value-of-life measure to
reflect the willingness-to-pay value, as in
Scenario 4.
[Scenario
4 - used in jury study] To determine whether
the safety improvement was worthwhile, the
company used a value of $3 million per accidental
death, which is the value used by the National
Highway Traffic Safety Administration in setting
auto safety standards. The company estimated
that the annual safety benefits of this safer
design would be $30 million (10 expected deaths
at $3 million per death), while the cost would
be $40 million. As a result, the company believed
that other safety improvements might save
more lives at less cost.
The Ivey memo played a pivotal role in the July
9, 1999 Los Angeles jury verdict against GM
in a case involving a rear-end crash, which
involved a rear- end crash into a 1979 Chevrolet
Malibu. The record-setting verdict consisted
of $107.8 million in compensatory damages for
the six burn victims as well as $4.8 billion
in punitive damages. Many observers speculated
that the 1997 and 1998 landmark cigarette settlements
of the state attorneys general lawsuits provided
an anchor that led the jury to think in terms
of billions of dollars rather than millions.
The basic facts of the case are similar to those
of many other burn injury cases. On Christmas
Eve in 1993, Patricia Anderson was driving home
from church with her four children and a friend
of the family. After slowing to stop for a red
light, her Chevrolet Malibu was hit from the
rear by a drunk driver believed to be going
fifty miles per hour by the plaintiffs and seventy
miles per hour by the defendant. The ensuing
fire in the Malibu caused severe burn injuries
to the passengers, including some disfigurement.
Once again the Ivey memo played a prominent
role in the courtroom battle even though GM
maintained that the memo did not contribute
to the
vehicle's design.
The
cost of a safer design that could have prevented
the injury by moving the gas tank twenty inches
away from the rear bumper rather than eleven
inches was $8.59 per vehicle, according to evidence
presented by the plaintiffs. The
Ivey memo loomed particularly large as the plaintiff's
attorney claimed that it showed that GM was
"caught red handed."
According to Ivey's analysis, the cost to the
company of fuel tank fires was $2.40 per vehicle.
Linking the memo with the $8.59 figure, which
Ivey did not do, implied that the costs of safety
to the company outweighed the benefits.
The plaintiff's lawyers demonized the GM decision
as the result of an immoral calculation. As
one of the lawyers observed after the trial,
"'The jurors wanted to send a message to
General Motors that human life is more important
than profits." ' After
the trial, jurors highlighted this tradeoff:
"Jurors told reporters that they felt the
company had valued life too lightly. 'We're
just like numbers, I feel, to them,' one juror,
Carl Vangelisti, told Reuters. 'Statistics.
That's something that is wrong." '
By their very nature risk analyses convert life
and death issues into statistics. Moreover,
benefit-cost tests intrinsically involve cost-health
tradeoffs that some may find shocking. One juror
reflected a zero-risk mentality rather than
a more rational risk tradeoff mentality in her
comment:
"There was no evidence that the car they
put out there was as safe as what they could
have put out there."
But making such tradeoffs is inevitable. The
task for the courts and society is to overcome
the kinds of biases shown in the experimental
results and vividly evidenced in the GM case.
Jurors' reckless disregard for rationality is
reflected in their justification for the $4.8
billion punitive damages award. The jurors selected
that figure by linking it to General Motors'
advertising expenses over a long period.
Linking damages to advertising expenses is entirely
arbitrary. The amount was also "two-thirds
more than GM's entire profit for 1998,"
which is a benchmark that shows the award magnitude,
but is also unrelated to safety decisions for
1979 Chevrolet Malibus. This kind of voodoo
economics which the jury viewed as a sound basis
for decisions contrasts with the much more reasoned
balancing in the Ivey memo. As the Washington
Post observed, such punitive damages awards
"send a message to the public at large
that the courts are more like a casino than
a hall of justice."
Undertaking at least part of a benefit-cost
analysis and making some judgments regarding
the desirability of safety measures is not unique
to these specific cases. For example, the plaintiffs
in another case focused on allegedly faulty
door latches in the Chevrolet Blazer. The plaintiffs
claimed that GM estimated a $216 million parts
cost and a $700 million labor cost if a
recall was initiated, for a total amount of
$916 million.
Evidence
of an internal timeline of GM's cost analysis,
which indicated that GM knew of the safety latch
problem and what it would cost to fix it, contributed
to a $150 million damage award, of which $100
million was for punitive damages, in the case
of a man paralyzed after his Blazer crashed.
Indeed,
even more fundamental efforts by the company
to learn about its products' dangers, such as
crash test results and video tapes of those
crash tests, can and have been used against
it in litigation.
These and other cases show that courts split
on how to treat defendants' knowledge of safety
issues. Courts should uniformly incorporate
benefit-cost analysis, risk-utility tests, and
balancing efforts into negligence standards.
This is the goal of our legal system and regulatory
oversight efforts. In practice, however, undertaking
a thorough analysis of the risks, comparing
the risk costs and benefits, and then, in accordance
with the result of the risk analysis, proceeding
not to undertake the most vigilant safety measures
identified may severely damage a company if
jurors regard this knowledge as grounds for
punitive damages.
This review of cases indicates that juries often
regard corporate risk analyses as red flags.
Rather than indicating concern with appropriate
safety levels, such risk assessments may be
viewed as an indication of callous disregard
for human health. The evidence in the case analyses
is consequently
quite consistent with the mock juror evidence.