"Since there are occasions when every vessel will break from her moorings, and since, if she
does, she becomes a menace to those about her; the owner's duty, as in other similar situations,
to provide against resulting injuries is a function of three variables: (1) The probability that she
will break away; (2) the gravity of the resulting injury, if she does; (3) the burden of adequate
precautions. Possibly it serves to bring this notion into relief to state it.in algebraic terms: if the
probability be called P; the injury, and the burden, B; liability depends upon whether B is less
than L multiplied by P."39
Under the theory that Judge Hand developed in Carroll, a party is found negligent and liable for
the damages resulting from his actions if B<PL. "B," the burden of adequate precautions, is the
accident avoidance cost. "P" is the probability the defendant's actions will result in an accident.
"L" is the cost of that accident if it did occur. "PL" is the risk of the activity, the expected
liability of the discounted accident cost.40 The negligence standard had been formalized into
algebraic terms. If the expected harm exceeded the cost to take precaution, the defendant was
obligated to take the precaution, and if they did not, would be held liable. If the cost was larger
than the expected harm, the defendant was not expected to take the precaution. If there was an
accident, he was not found liable. Based on the facts of Carroll Towing, the defendant was
found liable. Judge Hand felt the expected harm (the probability of the accident, multiplied by
the cost of the accident) was greater than the justification for a one and a half day absence of a
bargee.41
E. Risk/Utility Analysis
Risk/utility analysis then developed out of the same balancing reasoning, applied to determine
liability in the area of product design. In these types of cases, courts must determine whether a
manufacturer should be held liable if goods are "imperfect" as a result of production or
distribution. In past cases, courts had difficulty in this area. In Greenman v. Yuba Power
Products, Inc.,42 a 1963 case, the court stated that the defendant was not able to see the
possibility for injury until after the injury occurred and by traditional negligence standards
should be found not liable.43 This type of conclusion troubled the courts, since the burden on
the plaintiff seemed almost insurmountable.
There were a number of reasons why this type of finding was unfair. First and foremost,
companies' manufacturing operations are the party in control of the product from its inception.
Manufacturing divisions have a chance to monitor design and distribution and therefore seems
the logical party to be held liable if the design of its product leads to an injury. However, it
seems illogical for the consumer to bear the burden of a harm it had absolutely no control over.
Also, requiring manufacturers to be liable for their products makes them take more
precautionary measures, the cost of which can be spread out in the price of its products to the
consumers who make use of them.44 The problem was the same, however. Where is the middle
ground between the earlier standard and absolute liability and how is it defined?
The first step in finding this middle ground in manufacturing liability cases was to remove
requirements of warranty and privity of contract that manufacturers used to escape liability in
the past.45 In Greenman, the court stated that removing the obstacles earlier set by warranty law
put manufacturer's liability in the correct realm. This area was "not one governed by the law of
contract warranties but by the law of strict liability in tort ... A manufacturer is strictly liable in
tort when an article he places in the market... proves to have a defect that causes injury to a
human being."46 The obvious question therefore was, what is a "defective product"?47
The definition provided by section 402A of the Second Restatement of Torts assigned strict
liability to products with "a condition not contemplated by the ultimate consumer, which will be
unreasonably dangerous to him ... Many products cannot possibly be made entirely safe for all
consumption, and any food or drug necessarily involves some harm, if only from
overcomsumption."48 Obviously, there was intended to be some leeway short of strict liability
for manufacturers, but there was still no clear answer as to what was defective and what was
not.49
Attempting to end the frustration and quantify "defective product," courts started to turn to a
risk-utility balancing similar to Judge Learned Hand's "BPL Formula." This evolved into a
balancing of the benefits of the product against the risks and the cost of avoidance. In
Caterpillar Tractor Co. v. Beck,50 the court stated the jury could be instructed a product is
defectively designed if "the plaintiff proves that the product's design proximately caused injury
and the defendant fails to prove in the light of relevant factors, that on balance the benefits of
the challenged design outweigh the risk of the danger inherit in .such design."51 In Turner v.
General Motors Corp,52 the court stated that "a defectively designed product is one that is
unreasonably dangerous as designed, taking into consideration the utility of the product and the
risk involved in its use."53
After long debate, the courts have settled upon this risk/benefit analysis. For a defendant to be
found liable, its product must be determined to be defective. A defect can take three forms: a
defect in design (as was alleged against the Ford Motor Company), a defect in manufacture, or
a defect in warning. In Ford's case, if the design is found to be defective, the company would be
held liable. The question remains, what makes a design defective?
While not stated neatly in algebraic terms, such as in the BPL analysis, this entails a balancing
of utility and risks. This standard is not easily quantified and must be decided on a case-by-case
basis by juries. They must decide in each instance whether the risks associated with the product
are reasonable for society to absorb given the benefits of the product. Therefore, the duty of the
jury is not to decide whether the conduct of the manufacturer is reasonable, but whether the
product, after the full ramifications are revealed, is reasonable. The difference is that risk/utility
analysis requires a determination of the costs, risks and benefits of society's use of the product
as a whole, while the 13PL cost/benefit analysis entailed determining the costs and benefits of
preventing the particular accident. In the end, the risk-utility's primary duty is to establish a
threshold of acceptable risk that every good must equal or exceed, a threshold that can rise with
changing social and commercial experience.54 This leads to a economically efficient use of
resources and overall wealth maximization.
F. Ford's Risk/Benefit Analysis
The main controversy surrounding the Ford Pinto case was The Ford Motor Company's choices
made during development to compromise safety for efficiency and profit maximization. More
specifically, it was Ford's decision to use the cost/benefit analysis detailed in section 11 to make
production decisions that translated into lost lives. During the initial production and testing
phase, Ford set "limits for 2000" for the Pinto. That meant the car was not to exceed $2000 in
cost or 2000 pounds in weight. This set tough limitations on the production team. After the
basic design was complete, crash testing was begun. The results of crash testing revealed that
when struck from the rear at speeds of 31 miles per hour or above, the Pinto's gas tank ruptured.
The tank was positioned according to the industry standard at the time (between the rear
bumper and the rear axle), but studs protruding from the rear axle would puncture the gas tank.
Upon impact, the fuel filler neck would break, resulting in spilled gasoline. The Pinto basically
turned into a death trap. Ford crash tested a total of eleven automobiles and eight resulted in
potentially catastrophic situations. The only three that survived had their gas tanks modified
prior to testing.55
Ford was not in violation of the law in any way and had to make the decision whether to incur a
cost to fix the obvious problem internally. There were several options for fuel system redesign.
The option most seriously considered would have cost the Ford Motor Company and additional
$11 per vehicle.56 Under the strict $2000 budget restriction, even this nominal cost seemed
large. In addition, Ford had earlier based an advertising campaign on safety which failed
miserably. Therefore, there was a corporate belief, attributed to Lee Iacocca himself, of "safety
doesn't sell."57
Ultimately, the Ford Motor Company rejected the product design change. This was based on the
cost-benefit analysis performed by Ford (see Exhibit One). Using the NHTSA provided figure
of $200,000 for the "cost to society" for each estimated fatality, and $11 for the production cost
per vehicle, the analysis seemed straightforward. The projected costs to the company for design
production change were $137 million compared to the project benefits of making the design
change which were approximately $49.5 million. Using the standard cost/benefit analysis, the
answer was obvious--no production changes were to be made.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Exhibit One: Ford's Cost/Benefit Analysis
Benefits and Costs Relating to Fuel Leakage
Associated with the Static Rollover
Test Portion of FMVSS 208
Benefits
Savings: 180 burn deaths, 180 serious burn injuries, 2100 burned vehicles Unit Cost: $200,000
per death, $67,000 per injury, $700 per vehicle
Total Benefit: 180 x ($200,000) + 180 x
($67,000) + 2100 x ($700) = $49.5 Million
Costs
Sales: 11 million cars, 1.5 million light trucks Unit Cost: $11 per car, $11 per truck
Total Cost:
11,000,000 x ($11) + 1,500,000 x ($ I 1) = $137 Million
From Ford Motor Company internal memorandum: "Fatalities Associated with
Crash-Induced Fuel Leakage and Fires." Source: Douglas Birsch and John H. Fielder,
THE FORD PINTO CASE: A STUDY IN APPLIED ETHICS. BUSINESS, AND
TECHNOLOGY. p. 28.1994.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- IV. The Negligence Efficiency Argument
A. Ford's Decision
The Ford Motor Company's use of the risk/benefit analysis was the central issue of the suits
filed against the company. Many pieces of evidence, including a number of internal Ford
documents indicate the risk/benefit analysis was the main reason for Ford's decision not to make
design changes to increase vehicle safety. However, before discussion of the risk/benefit
analysis it should be noted there were secondary concerns which supported Ford's decision not
to upgrade the fuel system design: (1) As stated above, Ford had based an earlier advertising
campaign around safety, which failed. The company realized this was not a primary factor in
car sales; (2) the bad publicity involved with a recall would be too much negative publicity to
overcome. If this unquantifiable factor were included in the cost/benefit analysis the difference
may have been overwhelming. Even though it was not a factor included in the analysis, Ford
wanted to avoid it at any cost; (3) At the time of the product design and crash tests, the law did
not require them to redesign the fuel system; and, (4) It was customary in the automotive
industry to place the gas tank and between the rear axle and bumper.
Although case law has shown that business custom is not an excuse to escape liability, custom
combined with the risk/benefit analysis would lead to the same result.58 With these factors
influencing the decision in the background, the primary factor was Ford's risk/benefit analysis
of making the changes. The question is: Should a risk/benefit analysis be used in all
circumstances, and was it the proper framework to use in this situation? If so, it seems that the
correct decision was made. Examining this question after-the-fact, it certainly seems like a poor
decision.
B. The Numbers
The Ford Motor Company's risk/benefit analysis indicated costs would be 2.5 times larger than
the resulting benefits. It is apparent why Ford chose no to go ahead with the fuel tank
adjustment. However, basing this decision on just the numbers with no consideration of any
other factors falls short of a comprehensive analysis of the action. chose not to go ahead with
the fuel tank adjustment. To do a complete job of analyzing Ford's decision, the variables inside
the equation must be examined. On the cost side of the equation, the most questioned variable
during the case was the cost per vehicle used by Ford. The manufacturer claimed making
adequate changes to the fuel system would have cost $11 per vehicle. Some evidence indicated
that these potential costs may have been much lower, maybe as low as $5 per vehicle.59 Even
with this lower cost and all other factors remaining the same, the costs still would have
exceeded the benefits, although the difference would have been much less substantial (see
Exhibit 2). In fact, will all other variables remaining the same, the cost per vehicle would have
had to be as low as $3.96 to make the benefits "break even" with the costs (see Exhibit 3).
However, if the costs were around $5 per vehicle, the Ford Motor Company would not have had
as strong a risk/benefit argument as with the $11 figure provided.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Exhibit Two: Ford's Cost/Benefit Analysis at
$5.08 Per Fuel Tank Replacement
Benefits
Savings: 180 burn deaths, 180 serious burn injuries, 2100 burned vehicles Unit Cost:
$200,000 per death, $67,000 per injury, $700 per vehicle
Total Benefit: 180 x ($2,00,000) +
180 x ($67,000) + 2100 x ($700)= $49.5 Million
Costs
Sales: 11 million cars, 1.5 million light trucks Unit Cost: $5.08 per car, $5.08 per truck
Total
Cost: 11,000,000 x ($5.08) + 1,500,000 x ($5.08) = $63.5
Million
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Exhibit Three: The Break Even Point of the
Cost/Benefit Analysis
Benefits
Savings: 180 burn deaths, 180 serious burn injuries, 2100 burned vehicles Unit Cost: $200,000
per death, $67,000 per injury, $700 per vehicle
Total Benefit: 180 x ($200,000) + 180 x
($67,000) + 2100 x ($700) = $49.5 Million
Costs
Sales:11 million cars, 1.5 million light trucks Unit Cost: $5.08 per car, $5.08 per truck
Total
Cost: 11,000,000 x ($3.96) + 1,500,000 x ($3.96) = $49.5 Million
Therefore, if the cost to
replace the fuel tank was $3.96 per vehicle, the costs and benefits would equal each other out
(all other things remaining the
same).
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The "benefit side" of the equation contains the most controversial number of the analysis--the
value of a human life. Ford estimated no alterations to the gas tank design would result in 180
deaths, 180 burn victims and 2100 burned vehicles. In retrospect, these estimates are slightly
low. It is hard to determine the exact number of victims because every victim did not file a
claim, but these numbers were reasonable estimations at the time. Ford used $200,000 as the
"cost" or "lost benefit" for each fatal burn injury, 567,000 for each burn injury and $700 for
each burned vehicle. The number quantifying the price of a value life ($200,000) is what makes
this problem so difficult. It is hard to decide what a life is worth, but most people feel the value
of theirs is greater than $200,000. While this $200,000 figure was the most controversial of the
equation, it was not determined by Ford. In 1972, the National Highway Traffic Safety
Administration (NHTSA) provided the auto industry with the number $200,725 as the value to
be utilized in risk/ benefit analysis such as was done by Ford (see Exhibit 4).60
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Exhibit Four: What is a Life Worth?
Societal Cost Components for Fatalities
1972 NHTSA Study
Component 1971 Costs
Future Productivity Losses Direct
$132,000
Indirect 41,300
Medical
Costs
Hospital 700
Other 425
Property
Damage 1,500
Insurance
Administration 4,700
Legal and
Court 3,000
Employer
Losses 1,000
Victim's Pain and
Suffering
10,000
Funeral 900
Assets (Lost
Consumption)
5,000
Miscellaneous
200
Total Per Fatality $200,725
Source: Douglas Birsch and John H. Fielder, THE FORD PINTO CASE: A STUDY IN
APPLIED ETHICS, BUSINESS. AND TECHNOLOGY, p. 26, 1994.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Following the standard for negligence established by Judge Learned Hand in Carroll Towing, or
the risk/utility standard established for manufacturer's liability, the decision was well founded.
The costs to Ford to make this change, which would have been borne by the consumer, was 2.5
times higher (using the original numbers) than the benefit to society. Some negative publicity
may have been expected, but certainly Ford did not anticipate being found criminally negligent.
In fact, it would seem Ford had a strong argument against any liability whatsoever. The
decision in the liability suit with the award of punitive damages was a surprise to the Ford
Motor Company, much less the criminal prosecution. How could such a decision be rendered
after Ford Motor Company had followed the standard set by the courts themselves? The answer
lies in the fact that the "benefit" side of the equation included the benefit of saving lives, and
putting a value on this variable is not as defensible as putting a value on the benefit of saving an
inanimate object, such as a vehicle.
V. The Negligence-Efficiency Debate
A. Introduction
The Ford Motor case has spurned the arguments for and against the use of risk/benefit analysis
because of its foundation of economic efficiency. The Ford Motor Company case has spurred
this argument. In 1972, Judge Richard Posner's article on the negligence-efficiency theory
seemed to be the "starting point" for this argument and was both highly praised and highly
criticized. The essence of this article is summarized in the following excerpt: "We lack a theory
to explain the social function of the negligence concept ... This article attempts to formulate and
test such a theory.... The essential clue, I believe, is provided by Judge Learned Hand's famous
formulation of the negligence standard.... In a negligence case, Hand said, the judge (or jury)
should attempt to measure three things: the magnitude of the loss if an accident occurs; the
probability of the accident's occurring; and the burden of taking precautions that would avert it.
If the product of the first two terms exceeds the burden of precautions, the failure to take those
precautions is negligence. Hand was adumbrating, perhaps unwittingly, an economic meaning
of negligence.... If the cost of safety measures.... exceeds the benefit in accident avoidance to be
gained by incurring that cost, society would be better off, in economic terms, to forego accident
prevention.... Furthermore, overall economic value or welfare would be diminished ... by
incurring a higher accident-prevention cost to avoid a lower accident cost.''61
Thus, the economic efficiency of negligence argument was born. While many economists have
agreed and praised this article, it has been equally criticized by those not taking the "economic
point of view." I will first discuss some of the many arguments against this economic efficiency
point of view in light of the Ford Pinto case. Following is a further elaboration of Posner's view
and defense of his position.
B. Arguments Against Negligence-Efficiency
1. Ethics
Taking an ethical approach to the Ford Pinto case makes accepting the risk/benefit analysis
performed by the Ford Motor Company difficult. In making what seems to be the correct
decision based on numbers, Ford is essence adopted a policy of allowing a certain number of
people to die or be injured even though they could have prevented it. When taken on a
case-by-case basis the decision seems to be a blatant disregard for human life. From a human
rights perspective, Ford disregarded the injured individual's rights and therefore, in making the
decision not to make adjustments to the fuel system, acted unethicallv.62
2. Act Utilitarianism
A second problem with strictly applying the risk/benefit framework is that it does not seem to
take into account all of the consequences of Ford's decision. This position is considered the "act
utilitarian' point of view. The act utilitarian approach evaluates each action separately and the
consequences that arise from it.63 This analysis would include any "harms" or "benefits"
incurred by any people involved in the case. In utilizing this approach, it seems there are many
factors that the Ford Motor Company did not account for in its risk/benefit analysis. When
taking the situation from this perspective, it seems like the harms of not changing the fuel
system outweighed the benefits. Not included in the previous risk/benefit analysis was the
millions of dollars in settlements in unreported cases that never saw the courtroom. It is almost
a sure bet that the settlement numbers were more on a per-case basis than the average numbers
used for lost life per accident. Also, the bad publicity and reputational damage suffered by Ford
over the next few years for being the cause of these lawsuits is hard to quantify, but the harm
was considerable.64 >From the utilitarian point of view, the harms and the benefits are far
closer together than Ford determined in its analysis. In addition, if this was figured
after-the-fact the harms far outweighed the benefits. This would be due to the cost of having to
recall the 19711976 Pintos after the fact and the extreme bad publicity (much worse than
could have been expected) that the Ford Motor Company suffered through for years after all
litigation was settled.
3. Health and Safety Regulation Exception
Critics argue there are several other related, yet distinct reasons why the Ford Motor company,
as well other companies finding themselves in similar positions, should be condemned for
relying on a risk/benefit analysis to make decisions based on consumer safety. In the areas of
safety and health regulation, there are instances where it may not be wise to undertake a certain
decision even though the benefits do not outweigh the costs.65 This idea is imbedded
somewhere between the utilitarian point of view and ethical point of view, discussed above.
That is, the issue of whether the benefits outweigh the costs should not govern our moral
judgment. There are some cases where a company must "do the right thing." While this may
seem an argument based on emotion, there seem to be certain instances where these kind of
considerations must be made. For instance, when governmental officials decide what level of
pollution is allowable they take into effect certain vulnerable people--such as asthmatics or the
elderly--and set the standard higher although the average citizen would not be affected by a
lower one. This decision escapes the risk/benefit analysis. The higher standard is set so that the
rights of the minority are not sacrificed for the needs of the majority. This kind of decision,
much like automobile safety, are in the realm of specially valued things. For these, many will
argue, risk/benefit analysis should not apply.66
4. Expressing Terms in Dollar Values
In order to perform a risk/benefit analysis, all costs and benefits must be expressed in some
common measure. This measure is typically in dollars, as the Ford Motor Company used in its
analysis. This can prove difficult for things that are not commonly bought and sold on the open
market. This is mainly the case for environmental policy, such as permissible levels of air
pollutants, as in the example above.67 The Ford Pinto case provides an extreme example. It
questions how to value human life.
Economists have attempted to quantify, non-quantifiable items using varying methods with
varying success.68 Since individuals have unique tastes and values they are willing to pay
different amounts for products and resources. This valuation system often receives high
criticism. People's willingness to pay for something can also vary widely depending upon other
circumstances. Based on these reasons, attempts to quantify something such as a human life can
be very difficult and is the most debated aspect of the Ford Pinto case.
There are numerous things which individuals consider "priceless." For instance, most people
would claim that they would not sell their right to vote or their freedom of speech for any
amount of money.69 Therefore, to tell someone that there is a certain price for their life is a
preposterous notion. Therefore when taken on a case-by-case basis it is impossible for an
individual to grasp the concept. There are numerous things which individuals consider
"priceless." For instance, most people would claim that they would not sell their right to vote or
their freedom of speech for any amount of money. Moreover, would a parent be able to put a
value on the life of a child? Obviously, the notion that, on an individual basis, a person would
take a certain amount of money for their life is ludicrous. To tell someone that $200,725 is a
sufficient trade-off for their life, as argued in the Ford Pinto case, illustrates this point.
Economists, however, do not agree with the "priceless" concept. To them, to trade one unit of
anything, even a life, for an infinite quantity of all other goods is an equally preposterous
notion. It can be argued that everything can be priced or have a value laid upon it. To take this
theory down to an individual level reduces the strength of this notion.
In Ford's case, the $200,725 value of a human life was provided to the company by the National
Highway Traffic Safety Administration. The criticism for the value can not be laid upon Ford.
The criticism is in using a number, or in other words using the risk/benefit analysis, in this
situation at all. To compound the problem, Ford seemed to blindly follow the dictated numbers
without giving any extra consideration to the fact that it in fact was a human life they were
quantifying.
5. No Wealth Maximization
Related to the lack of "markets" or "prices" for a life is the idea of wealth maximization. The
foundation of the risk/benefit analysis is the theory of economic efficiency and an underlying
principle for efficiency is wealth maximization. If legal decisions are based on efficiency, then
nothing will be wasted and the wealth of the country will be at its maximum.70 However, in
order to conduct an efficiency analysis, everything must have a price--returning to the
reoccurring problem. Since the reliance on prices is necessary and not merely contingent, the
system of wealth maximization cannot tell us anything about right conduct where no prices
exist. Prices are, in part, the result of demand and demand is the result of prior entitlements.
Consequently, wealth maximization cannot generate an initial set of entitlements." 71
Along the same lines, efficiency theory assumes that wealth maximization is the goal of law,
which is not the case. The goal of law is the indefinable term. "justice."72 Judges and juries do
not attempt to make decisions based on wealth maximization, they base their decisions on
justice. This difference can be seen in the special rules for rescue, handicapped citizens, and
whether the insane are found liable for their torts.73
6. Externalities
Another potential problem with the risk,/benefit approach is the fact that it does not take
externalities into effect. This is a topic with which the law of torts often has trouble. However, it
cannot be ignored just because it is hard to compute.74 Victims are permitted to recover for pain
and suffering and the cost/benefit analysis seems to ignore this point. It is yet another one of the
variables that is almost impossible to estimate, much less pinpoint. In addition, this is another
area where the lack of a market is influential. Minimization of social costs differs from the
minimization of private costs precisely because there is an absence of complete markets, and
this absence is exactly what makes measurements so difficult.75
7. Activity Frequency
If a company or a court were to accurately analyze the costs and benefits of an activity, it must
calculate the number of times the potential victim engages in the activity.76 Taking out the
number of times the activity is engaged in reduces the damages. This calculation is often
unobtainable, especially in Ford's case in terms of automobile use. Professor Polinsky, in his
book, An Introduction to Law and Economics explains, "In practice it is usually not feasible to
include the level of participation in the activity has an aspect of the standard of care. For
example, it would be virtually impossible for a court to determine bow many miles a particular
person drives each. year since that person might drive a different car that is shared with other
family members or he might drive different cars owned by the household. If the injurer's level
of participation in the activity is omitted from the standard of care, than a negligence rule
generally will lead him to participate in the activity to an excess degree. The reason for this is
straightforward, if the care he exercises meets the standard of care, be will not be liable for any
damages. In practice, the negligence rule is likely to be inefficient for this reason.77
8. Negligence is Predictable: Victims Often Lose
Finally, the cost/benefit analysis and economic efficiency reasoning is argued to be a skewed
framework because it does not take into account the fact that injured parties are at a
disadvantage. While the law attempts to place the plaintiff and defendant on equal ground, it is
impossible to accomplish. The plaintiff must prove the negligence, a difficult task. The
negligence-efficiency theory does not account for plaintiffs who cannot afford to bring a
lawsuit to trial or those who cannot establish negligence although it exists. With the adoption of
the negligence-efficiency theory, it is predictable that victims are going to lose more than. They
are going to win.78
9. Conclusion
Obviously there are a number of arguments against the use of cost/benefit analysis and the
negligence-efficiency theory. Most of these arguments are separate but related and .revolve
around the fact that there are no markets or prices for human life. It will be forever debated
whether it is possible to set a price or value on a life to use in these calculations and whether
this leads to an economically efficient outcome In the case of Grimshaw, the jury was obviously
appalled with Ford's attempt to apply the NHTSA's calculation to risk/benefit standard. Was this
a sign of this standard's inefficiency or was it just a sign of an ineffective jury?
C. For Negligence-Efficiency
For as many arguments as there are against risk/benefit analysis, there are as many claiming it is
economically efficient and therefore the correct standard. In defense of the Ford Motor
Company, this standard developed over many years of caselaw, as detailed earlier in this paper.
This negligence standard and the use of risk/benefit analysis for product liability had been
accepted by courts for years before the Pinto controversy. There was no reason for Ford to
believe that this was not the standard that should be used in making its decision. Ford's
automatic decision once it "ran the numbers" confirms the fact that they did not question the
idea of using this analysis. In addition, there are many arguments in support of this sort of
analysis other than just the fact that this was the standard at the time.
1. Risk/benefit Analysis is "Instinctively Done"
In 1972, Judge Richard Posner wrote an article entitled, "A Theory of Negligence," claiming all
tort law furthers economic efficiency. He claims that while judges do not write opinions in
terms of welfare economics, there has always been an effort to decide cases on this basis.
"People can apply the principles of economics intuitively--and thus `do' economics without
knowing they are doing it.''79 Therefore, Posner claims that the Carroll Towing decision was
not a novel concept, it just expressed in algebraic terms what court had long been applying.80
2. Maximization of Social Resources
For defendants, such as the Ford Motor Company, who create risks of harm that may be
suffered by others, the risk-benefit standard for negligence provides incentives to take
precautions to avoid or minimize risks that can be avoided more cheaply than the cost of the
precautions. By holding a defendant liable for injuries that could have been avoided at less cost
than the accident, a risk-benefit test acts as a deterrent to curb risks that are worth avoiding,
while allowing a defendant to take actions or avoid precautions that are not worth deterring.
Deterring conduct that results in greater accident costs than the benefits of the conduct
minimizes the total costs of accidents and accident precaution. Therefore, it seems this tort
"policy" serves the goal of maximizing societal resources.81
To understand the efficiency theory of the risk-benefits analysis, one other point must be
explained. In a products liability design defects case, use of the discussed liability standard
requires identification of an alternative design that would have prevented the accident. One
must be able to compare the additional costs created by the alternative design, in relation to the
existing design, with the costs of the injuries that the alternative design could prevent.82 In the
Pinto case, Ford obviously undertook this analysis, examining the additional $11 cost per unit of
changing the fuel system design.
3. Economic Feasibility of Valuing Non-Economic Items
The decision to use a risk/benefit analysis does not necessarily result in the strict utilitarianism
as suggested by some critics.83 Most all detractors of cost/benefit analysis center their
argument around the idea that placing a value on "non-economic" items, such as a human life,
does not lead to economic efficiency. Proponents of the system claim their risk/benefit analysis
is nothing more than what it claims to be--an effort to find some common measure for things
that are not easily comparable, yet must be compared. While this may seem crass--comparing
lives to dollars--some comparison must be made and all the factors in the equation must be
brought down to a common denominator for the comparison to take place. Other instances arise
where lives are traded against lives, just not brought down to the dollar amount that took place
in the Ford Pinto case. In the choice between hospital beds and preventive treatment, lives are
traded against lives.84 It is when the analysis is taken down to an individual level that it
becomes problematic.
Economists dispel the related argument just as easily. The idea that if one can quantify
"non-economic" items, there are certain "specially valued" things that cannot be priced. It is
true that different individuals value certain things differently, but simply because an individual
deems something has "special value" does not mean that they are unaffected by economic
factors. One may specially value a personal relationship, but how often he calls this person is
influenced by long-distance rates. One may specially value music or watching sporting events,
but still can be affected by the price of records and tickets to the Kennedy Center or the price
for watching events on cable or a ticket to the ball game. 85
4. Efficiency Does Not Equal Immoral
Critics look at risk/benefit analysis in cases such as the Ford Pinto case as a depravity of
morality. The idea is that everyone has the "right" to a safe and healthy workplace, or the
"right" to expect product they purchase to be safe.86 Those who subscribe to this philosophy
feel there are some "moral" decisions that must be made no matter what the fiscal impacts may
be or what the risk,/benefit relationship dictates. Proponents of the risk/benefit analysis counter
this "ethical" argument with the idea that these are not either/or decisions being made, but rather
gradations of risk.87 That is, Ford is not sacrificing all safety features of the Pinto, it is a
question of to what degree Ford feels safety features are necessary. It could be argued that the
safety question was answered for them prior to the risk/benefit analysis when Ford's earlier
advertising campaign based on safety failed. Decisions involving gradation of risks are made
every day, just not under such strict scrutiny. Obviously, highways would be safer if the speed
were restricted to 25 miles per hour on all roads. However, this must be balanced with the
"price" of slower traffic. in choosing 55 or 65 as the speed limit, we are sacrificing lives to
make travel quicker and less costly. Therefore, the Ford Motor Company is not morally void for
choosing between levels of safety. Auto manufacturers do this every dav.
5. No Standard for Using an "Ethical Balancing"
All of the arguments against the use of risk/benefit analysis seem to center around the "ethical
argument." Instead of a monetary system, sire should adopt an ethical system that balances
conflicts between certain unspecified duties and rights according to "deliberate reflection.88
While placing dollar amounts on these items is admittedly arbitrary, the "ethical" method would
open a much larger debate. Who would be in charge of this ethical reflecting and on whose
behalf would these decisions be made? There would be no clear limits for the actions of
regulatory agencies. What public values would rise above these vague guidelines? Finding or
arriving at a consensus for this ethical standard is virtually impossible.
6. Conclusion
In conclusion, all of the arguments against Judge Posner's negligence-efficiency argument
center around valuing human life. Is it possible to set a price for all things, especially a human
life? Is it ethically correct to attempt to do such a thing? Should a company be allowed to use
this standard to determine whether to "upgrade" an automobile. The answer to all of these
questions is yes. The use of the risk/benefit analysis maximizes overall economic value and
general welfare. In fact, these choices are subconsciously made by individuals, companies and
governmental agencies on an everyday basis. Judge Posner argues this standard was used long
before Judge Learned Hand first expressed it in algebraic terms in Carroll Towing. While
criticizing the numbers or values used by the Ford Motor Company in the risk/benefit analysis
may be valid, the use of the risk/benefit analysis itself cannot be questioned.
V1I. Conclusion
Through years of case law, the negligence and products liability standard has evolved. Many
will argue that courts have "subconsciously" used cost/benefit analysis for many decades,
especially with the old "reasonable man" standard. However, Judge Hand finally established
this standard in Carroll Towing, explicit acknowledging the "BPL" formula. Judge Posner gave
the standard a ringing endorsement in an article in 1972, defending it on economic efficiency
grounds. Since that time it has been the source of hot debate.
While not absolutely perfect, the risk/benefit standard for negligence advances overall
economic value and welfare, is economically efficient, and therefore is the correct standard to
apply (or at least the best option). Criticism of the standard almost always occurs when looking
at the standard on an individual case-by-case basis. Critics and laypeople have a difficulty
valuing non-economic entities as is required by the formula. Approaching it in this manner, it
seems insulting to place a monetary value on a life. This is where the efficiency standard ran
into trouble in the Ford Pinto case. One must realize these "valuations" and determinations are
part of everyday public policy. In determining safety and environmental standards, a choice
must be made as to what level these areas should be regulated.
The Ford Motor Company was not wrong in applying this risk/benefit standard. While the
numbers the company used in its analysis may be questioned, the decision to employ the
framework which resulted in the decision not to redesign the fuel system shouldn't be. Ford ran
into the; trouble of taking this framework and having to justify it on a individual case basis, as a
result of the lawsuits. In addition, the Ford Motor Company was an attractive defendant to find
liable. The jury's disgust with the deep-pocketed defendant and the troubling value of a
life concept was evidenced by the ridiculous punitive damage award initially granted to the
plaintiff Obviously, one cannot assume a jury will understand the economic efficiency of the
risk/benefit analysis. Even if they do, who knows what they will decide anyway? This fact
raises the question--If the Hand risk/benefit formula is truly used to decide negligence cases as
Judge Posner claims, why isn't the jury instructed about it.89
In conclusion, this framework is economically efficient and the proper one to apply. However,
companies beware. The result of the Ford Pinto case indicate there is a belief held by most of
the public that it is wrong for a corporation to make decisions which may sacrifice the lives of
its customers in order to reduce the company's cost or increase its profits.90 With this
widespread attitude among those who make up juries, trial lawyers would not be wise; to defend
cases on the economic analysis of why it was not efficient to redesign a faulty model. Instead,
trial lawyers argue that the alternative design compromises the product's function or creates
different risks in the product, but not that the costs of the alternative design outweigh the injury
or death toll that may be avoided.91 These options did not seem plausible in Ford's case, which
spelled trouble. Therefore, while it may be valid economic efficiency reasoning, the Ford Motor
Company and others are forced to think twice before utilizing a risk/benefit analysis in their
decision making process.
1. Grimshaw v. Ford Motor Co., 1 19 Cal.App.3d 757, 174 Cal. Rptr. 348 (1981). 2. In the
resulting suits against Ford, the jury--after deliberating for eight hours-awarded the Gray
family wrongful death damages of $560,000; Grimshaw was awarded over $2.5 million in
compensatory damages and $125 million in punitive damages as well. The trial judge reduced
the punitive damage award to $3.5 million as a condition for denying a new trial. Two years
after the court of appeals affirmed these results in all respects, the state supreme court then
denied a hearing. See Gary T. Schwartz, The Myth of the Ford Pinto Case, 43 Rutgers L. Rev.
1013, 1015 (1991). 3. State v. Ford Motor Co., Cause No. 11-431 (1980). 4. See Malcom E.
Wheeler, Product Liability, Civil or Criminal -- The Pinto Litigation, ABA, Tort and Insurance
Law Journal, 14, 1981. 5. See Douglas Birsch and John H. Fielder, THE FORD PINTO CASE:
A STUDY IN APPLIED ETHIC'S, BUSINESS, AND TECHNOLOGY, 1994. 6. See Wheeler,
supra note 4, at 15. 8. The prosecutor of Elkhart County, Indiana, chose to seek an
indictment against Ford Motor Company for reckless homicide and criminal recklessness,
claiming that the cause of the deaths was the design of the Pinto and Ford's failure to "remove
the car from the highways" before August 10, 1978. See Wheeler, supra note 4, at 15. 9. The
prosecutor obtained information against the van driver for possession of amphetamines. Rather
than promptly proceeding to judgment and sentencing on that charge, he kept those charges
hanging over the van driver's head until after March 1980, when the driver had testified against
Ford and the trial of Ford had ended. Moreover, the pills reported as amphetamines in the
official police report were later analyzed and determined to be caffeine pills:, but that
information was concealed from Ford's lawyers until after the driver took the stand at trial, and
the charge of possessing amphetamines was kept pending throughout the trial. See Wheeler,
supra note 4, at 15. 10. Mark Dowie, Pinto Madness, Mother Jones 18 (Sept./Oct. 1977). 11.
Goodyear had developed a bladder and demonstrated it to the automotive industry. On
December 2, 1970, Ford Motor Company ran a rear-end crash test on a car with the rubber
bladder in the gas tank. The tank ruptured, but no fuel leaked. On January 15, 1971, Ford again
tested the bladder and it worked. Mark Dowie, Pinto Madness, Mother Jones, Sept./Oct. 1977,
at 20. 12. The total purchase and installation cost of the bladder would have been $5.08 per car.
Mark Dowie, Pinto Madness, Mother Jones, Sept./Oct. 1977, at 20. 13. Ford contended that its
reason for making the cost/benefit analysis was that the National Highway Traffic Safety
Administration required them to do so. Moreover, Ford said that the NHTSA supplied them
with the $200,000 as the figure for the value of a lost life. Richard A. Posner, TORTS: CASES
AND ECONOMIC ANALYSIS 725 (1983). 14. Barbara Ann White, Risk-Utility Analysis and
the Learned Hand Formula: A Hand That Helps or a Hand That Hides?, 32 Ariz. L. Rev. 77, 81
(1990). 15. "A perfect locomotive engine, properly equipped and properly run, will not
ordinarily throw out sufficient sparks to destroy adjoining property." Judson v. Giant Powder
Co., 107 Cal. 549, 500, 40 P. 1021, 1023 (1985). 16. See White, supra note 12, at 82. 18. Brown v. Kendall., 60 Mass. (6 Cush.) 292 (1850). 19. Id. at 294-95 (emphasis added). 21. Crain v. Petrie, 6 Hill 522 (ICY. Sup. Ct. 1844). 23. See White,
supra note 12, at 90. 24. The inquiry into defendant's knowledge and actions was framed in a
way to determine if the harm was really the result of a convolution of events rather than
defendant's conscious deeds. 1fd. at 90. 25. 60 Mass. (6 Cush.) 292, 297 (1850). 26. In Vincent v.
Stinehour, 7 Vt. 62 (1835), the court stated, "If the horse, upon a sudden surprise, run away with
his rider, and runs against a man and hurts him, this is not battery. Where a person , in doing an
act which it is his duty to perform, hurts another, hs is not guilty of battery .... A soldier, in
exercise, hurts his companion--no recovery can be had against him.... If the act which
occasioned the injury to the plaintiff was wholly unavoidable, and no degree of blame can be
imputed to the defendant, the conduct of the defendant was no unlawful."' Similarly, in Lehigh
Bridge v. Lehigh Coal & Navig. Co., 4 Rawle 8 (Pa. 1833), the court stated, "The defendant had
the ... right to erect the damn at the particular place ... and if chargeable with no want of
attention to its probable effect, is not answerable for consequences which it was impossible to
foresee and prevent. Where a loss happens exclusively from an act of Providence, it will not be
pretended that it out to be borne by him whose superstructure was made the immediate
instrument of it.
27. Huntress v. Boston & Main R. R., 66 N. H. 185, 34 A. 156 (1870). 28. Id. at
191-192, 34 A. at 157. 29. In Butcher v. Vaca Valley & Clear Lake R.R, 67 Cal. 518, 8 P. 174
(1885), the California Supreme Court decided that a presumption of negligence was raised by
evidence that, theoretically, a railroad engine could be made that would not provide fire
causing sparks. Therefore, the court found that the railroad engine's production of sparks was,
in fact, prima facie proof of defendant's negligence. In Giraudi v. Electric Imp. Co., 107 Cal.
120, 40 P. 108 (1895), a restaurant employee went on the roof to repair a sign during a heavy
thunderstorm. He inadvertently came in contact with a power line that he knew was there. The
court upheld a jury verdict against the power company, stating that electricity was dangerous
and that the defendant had to take the utmost standard of care. 30. Adams v. Bullock, 227 N.Y.
208, 125 N.E. 93 (1919). 31. Id. at 210, 125 N.E. at 93. 34. Id. at 211, 125 N.E. at
94. 35. See White, supra note 12, at 83. 37. United States v. Carroll Towing, 159
F.2d 169 (2d Cir. 1947). 38. David W. Barnes and Lynn A. Stout, CASES AND MATERIALS
ON LAW AND ECONOMICS 93 (1992). 41. Carroll Towing Co., 159
F.2d 169 (2d Cir. 1947). 42. Greenman v. Yuba Power Products, Inc., 59 Cal.2d 57, 377 P.2d
897, 27 Cal. Rptr. 697 (1963 ). 44. See White, supra note 12, at 106. 45. In MacPherson v.
Buick Motor Company, 217 N.Y. 382, 111 N.E. 1050 (1916), Judge Cardozo removed the
requirement of privity of contract that prevented the ultimate purchaser from suing the
manufacturer in tort for harms arising out of the use of his product. Prior to this decision, the
manufacturer was liable only to the immediate purchaser who was usually a middle man and
not the ultimate user. The demise of the requirement of privity, however, did not alleviate the
plaintiff's evidentiary problems of proving defendant's negligent behavior. Until the landmark
decision of Greenman v. Yuba Power Products, Inc., 59 Cal..2d 57, 377 P.2d 897, 27 Cal. Rptr.
697 (1963), substantial legal loopholes enabled manufacturers to avoid liability for harms the
courts clearly wanted to impose. 46. Greenman, 59 Cal.2d 57, 377 P.2d 897, 27 Cal. Rptr. 697
(1963). 47. The court stated, "A manufacturer is strictly in tort when an article he places on the
market .... proves to have a. defect that causes injury to a human being." Id. 48.
RESTATEMENT (SECOND) OF TORTS § 402A, comment g (1965). 49. See White,
supra note 12, at 108. 50. Caterpillar Tractor Co. v. Beck, 593 P.2d 886 (Alaska 1979). 51. Id. at
886. (emphasis added). 52. Turner v. General Motors Corp., 584 SW.2d 844 (Tex. 1979). 53. Id.
at 847 n.1. (emphasis added). 54. See White, supra note 12, at I 11. 55. Dennis A. Gioia, Pinto
Fires and Personal Ethics: A Script Analysis of Missed Opportunities, JOURNAL OF
BUSINESS ETHICS 11, 381 (1992). 56. One document that was not sent to Washington by
Ford was a "Confidential" cost analysis Mother Jones was able to obtain, showing that crash
fires could be largely prevented for considerably less than $11 a car ... The total purchase and
installation cost of the bladder would have been $5.08. Dowie, Pinto Madness, MOTHER
JONES 18 (Sept./Oct. 1977). 57. See Gioia, supra note 53, at 382. 58. See, e. g., The T.J.
Hooper, 60 F.2d 737 (2d Cir. 1932): The court acknowledged that at the time of an accident,
custom in the tug industry was not to carry radios to check weather reports.. Even though this
was the case, it found a tug line liable: "But here there was no custom at all as to receiving sets;
some had them, some did not; the most that can be urged is that they had not yet become
general ... We hold the tugs (liable) because had they been properly equipped, they would have
gotten the weather reports." 59. See Dowie, supra note 54. 61. Posner, A Theory of
Negligence, 1 J. LEGAL STUD. 29, 29, 32-34 (1972). 62. See Birsch, supra note 3, at 159. 66. See Birsch, supra note 3, at 129. 68. Economists
have tried to develop methods for imputing a person's "willingness to pay" for such things, their
approach generally involving a search for bundled goods that care traded on markets and that
vary as to whether they include a feature that is, by itself; not marketed. Thus, fresh air is not
marketed, but houses in different parts of Los Angeles that are similar except for the degree of
smog are. Id. 70. Frank J. Vandall, Judge Posner's Negligence Efficiency Theory:
A Critique, 35 EMORY L.J. 383, 391 (1986). 71. Coleman, Efficiency, Utility, and Wealth
Maximization, 8 HOFSTRA L. Rev. 509, 526 (1980). 72. See 2 F. HARPER & F. JAMES, THE
LAW OF TORTS 743 (1956). 73. See Vandall, supra. note 68, at 199. 74. Rizzo, Law Amid
flux: The Economics of Negligence and Strict Liability in Tort, 9 J. LEGAL STUD. 291, 299
(1980). 75. See Vandall, supra note 68, at 389. 77. A. POLINSKY, AN
INTRODUCTION TO LAW AND ECONOMICS 12326, at 46-47 (1983) 78. See
Vandall, supra note 68, at 405. 79. See generally William M. Landes & Richard A. Posner, The
Economic Structure of Tort Law, 23 (1987). 80. Michael D. Green, Negligence = Economic
Efficiency: Doubts, 75 Tex. L. Rev. 1605, 1607 (1997). 86. See Birsch, supra note 3, at 137. 89. See Green,
supra note 78, at 1631.